The official end of the presidential term of Niger’s ousted leader, Mohamed Bazoum, on April 2, 2026, has renewed focus on his prolonged detention and the uncertain legal and political landscape surrounding his case.
Mohamed Bazoum, 66, was sworn into office on April 2, 2021, after securing 55 percent of the vote in Niger’s democratic elections. His presidency, however, was abruptly halted following a military coup on July 26, 2023, led by General Abdourahamane Tiani. Since then, Bazoum has been held under detention in a section of the presidential palace in Niamey, alongside his wife.
Nearly three years after his removal from power, there are no clear indications that he will be released or formally tried, despite the official expiration of his mandate. The situation has raised significant legal and diplomatic questions, particularly regarding the legitimacy of the current authorities and the status of Niger’s constitutional order.
Bazoum has consistently refused to resign from office, maintaining that his removal was unconstitutional. His legal team argues that the end of his presidential term should not be recognised under the current circumstances, as he has been unable to perform his duties since the coup.
According to Moussa Coulibaly, a member of Bazoum’s legal team, the period of detention should not be considered part of his official tenure. He maintains that Bazoum’s mandate was effectively interrupted and never resumed, suggesting that if he were reinstated, the time spent in detention should not count against his term in office.
This argument, however, is contested by other analysts. Political scientist Valery Ntwali, who specialises in coups in sub-Saharan Africa, notes that under the current legal framework imposed by the military authorities, Bazoum has effectively lost his constitutional standing.
Following the coup, the junta suspended Niger’s Constitution and introduced a new governing charter in March 2025. The charter allows the military leadership to remain in power for an initial five-year period, with the possibility of renewal. Since the takeover, no elections have been conducted, further complicating questions around democratic legitimacy and governance.
The absence of a universally recognised legal framework has created a complex situation in which competing interpretations of authority exist. While Bazoum’s supporters and some international actors continue to view him as the legitimate president, the junta exercises de facto control over the country.
Ntwali points out that there is no single international authority capable of enforcing a unified position on Niger’s political crisis. Instead, responses have varied, with some countries engaging with the junta pragmatically, while others refuse to recognise its legitimacy.
The junta, like military governments in neighbouring Burkina Faso and Mali, has positioned sovereignty as a central principle of its governance approach. It has adopted a more assertive stance toward Western nations, particularly those that have historically maintained strong political and military ties in the region.
Despite this posture, Niger’s military leadership has not been entirely isolated diplomatically. In recent months, it has resumed limited security cooperation discussions with the United States, following the earlier withdrawal of American troops who had been involved in counter-terrorism operations in the Sahel.
At the same time, the junta has strengthened its relationship with Russia, reflecting a broader geopolitical shift among some Sahelian states seeking alternative partnerships.
Relations with France, Niger’s former colonial power, remain strained. French authorities were among the first to call for Bazoum’s immediate release following the coup, a position that has not changed. Tensions have also extended to the European Union, which has repeatedly expressed concern over the situation.
Earlier in March 2026, the European Parliament adopted a resolution calling for Bazoum’s unconditional release. The move was met with strong opposition from military-led governments in the Sahel, triggering protests in Niamey and, to a lesser extent, in Ouagadougou.
Christophe Gomart, a French Member of the European Parliament who spearheaded the resolution, described the continued detention of Bazoum as a failure of international diplomacy. He argued that stronger measures could have been taken to secure the release of a democratically elected leader.
Gomart also emphasised the European Union’s influence in Africa, noting its significant role in funding development initiatives and supporting counter-terrorism efforts across the region. He suggested that this leverage could have been used more effectively to apply pressure on Niger’s military authorities.
The European Union has been a key partner in development and security initiatives in the Sahel, particularly in efforts to combat jihadist groups that have carried out persistent attacks in Niger and neighbouring countries.
In 2024, Bazoum’s presidential immunity was lifted by the junta, raising expectations that legal proceedings might follow. However, his lawyers remain sceptical that the formal end of his term will lead to a trial or any change in his status.
According to another member of his legal team, Mohamed Seydou Diagne, the issue is less about legal procedure and more about security considerations from the perspective of the military authorities. He suggested that Bazoum’s continued detention may serve as a strategic safeguard against potential external intervention, which had been considered by some West African states in the immediate aftermath of the coup.
Reports from his legal representatives indicate that Bazoum remains in the same conditions of detention as when he was first arrested. He is said to be held in an isolated environment within the presidential compound, with limited access to the outside world and restricted contact, apart from occasional visits from a doctor.
As his official term comes to an end, the lack of clarity surrounding his future underscores the broader uncertainty facing Niger. The country remains under military rule, with no clear timeline for a return to democratic governance.
For observers, Bazoum’s situation highlights the challenges of addressing unconstitutional changes of government in the region, as well as the limitations of international mechanisms in resolving such crises.
With no immediate resolution in sight, his case continues to stand as a focal point in discussions about governance, sovereignty, and the rule of law in the Sahel.
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